With the violation of international law in Venezuela by the US, the hegemonic ambitions of the Trump administration are impossible to ignore. The EU’s hesitant response has weakened the Union at a crucial moment. Where should Europe go from here?
The United States’ violation of international law in the Caribbean follows closely on the heels of the publication of its new National Security Strategy. The NSS openly renounces the democratic West’s values consensus and the international legal foundations of the post-war order and tramples international and inter-American norms and institutions underfoot. The attack on Venezuela is the first direct implementation of this new security policy and a clear expression of the Trump administration's hegemonic claims vis-à-vis the states of the Western Hemisphere. It underlines that the strategy should be taken seriously and can be read literally as a precise description of US ambitions. The Trump administration’s hegemonic ambitions will therefore clearly not end with Venezuela.
While the US interventions go against international law, to date, neither the EU’s institutions nor its member states have been able to generate effective political impetus against them. At the same time, there has been insufficient political attention paid to the members of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). In recent years, many of these countries have taken in millions of refugees from the Maduro regime – unnoticed by the international community and to the limits of their capacity. As the face – and head – of an oil-financed, violent, and dictatorial system, Maduro is responsible for widespread human rights violations, including enforced disappearances and the imprisonment and torture of political opponents. An investigation into possible crimes against humanity committed in Venezuela was opened by the International Criminal Court in 2021.
US administration Acting like Russia and China
By acting in violation of international law in disregard of its own Congress and the United Nations and failing to demonstrate interest in a democratic transition, the US government is aligning itself with other authoritarian states. We share the concerns of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Uruguay, and Spain about the external administration of Venezuela and the blatant appropriation of its resources. In their joint statement of 4 January 2026, these states condemn the United States’ military intervention and rightly invoke the UN Charter, specifically on the prohibition of the use or threat of force and respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. We must acknowledge that the current US administration is violating these principles as Russia and China do – or threaten to do. It remains clear that concepts and doctrines citing “spheres of influence” and “backyards” are not in conformity with international law and therefore also remain politically illegitimate.
But this isn’t just about Latin America; this attack affects us all. The US security strategy is directed against international rules and multilateralism – and also against the European Union. Trump’s self-image as the hegemon of the American “double continent” must finally be taken seriously by Europe, as should his cascade of announcements and threats of further intervention. These range from territorial claims (e.g. Greenland) to political influence in democratic processes (e.g. elections in Colombia, Brazil, and EU member states). The Putin regime is no longer alone in striving to bring about “regime change” in Europe via varying degrees of hybrid warfare; parts of the US administration in Washington clearly share its wish to destroy the EU. Viewed against the gravity of these existential challenges, the reactions of the EU Commission and the German government appear vague and weak. Given the clearer positions taken by France, Italy, and Spain, they also serve to further diminish the Union. Turning a blind eye, or evading the issue, can no longer be an option.
The following actions are now of crucial importance:
- The EU institutions and member states, especially the German federal government, must commit themselves clearly, credibly, and resolutely to a truly democratic transition in Venezuela. This includes supporting a process that must ultimately lead to free and fair elections, backed by Venezuelan civil society and supported by the international community. In a statement published on 5 January 2026, notable Latin American human rights organisations rightly emphasise that any solution to the crisis “must be democratic, peaceful, and negotiated, centred on respect for human rights, and [prioritize] the participation and decision-making power of Venezuelan society over its future”.
- Europe must realign and reinforce its relations with democratic partners in Latin America and the Caribbean. Robust political alliances are needed that go beyond trade agreements to jointly strengthen and further develop democratic self-determination, multilateralism, and international law. In an increasingly power-political world, the democratic states of Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean share an interest in defending multilateral rules and international law against the logic of geopolitical spheres of influence, the law of the strongest, and privileged rights for regional hegemons as practised by Russia, China, and now apparently also the United States. The approval of the Mercosur agreement shows that, despite considerable room for improvement, progress in relations is possible. However, the free trade agreement is no substitute for lasting political interest in the region. The EU-CELAC summit in Colombia in November 2025 showed how thin the political substance of these relations has been so far, not least due to the absence of high-ranking European representatives.
- In order to take on more responsibility for defending the rules-based multilateral order, the EU must expand its own scope for action. Only in this way can Europe leave behind its fear-driven policy of appeasement towards the Trump administration and be taken seriously as a geopolitical player. Such an undertaking should include the establishment and expansion of European sovereignty in the areas of defence, trade, energy, and technology, as well as the development of a global, democratic foreign and security policy strategy that, via both hard- and soft-power instruments, offers a convincing proposition for new alliances. Dialogue with democratic actors in the US, including the few critical voices within the Republican Party, is also more important than ever to counteract the Trump administration’s agenda.
Get Involved - Presidents' column
Get involved! There’s no other way to be real – thus the message of Heinrich Böll, and, to this day, his encouragement is inspiring us. With this column the Presidents of the Foundation involve themselves in current social and political debates. This column will appear each month, authored, in turn, by Jan Philipp Albrecht and Imme Scholz.