On December 8, 2024, Syria entered a new political era after 54 years of the al-Assad family rule. The liberation battle that started from the North ended with power placed in the hands of Hay’at Tahrir al Sham (HTS), a former al-Qaeda-linked militant group. While the end of the al-Assad era sparked widespread optimism, early formal statements from the new rulers raised concerns, particularly regarding women’s rights.
Disclaimer: This article focuses on some events that happened between 8 December 2024 and 31 March 2025. Rula Asad, the author of the article, conducted interviews with Joumana Seif, Salma Sayyad, and Narin Metini in March and April 2025.
On December 8, 2024, Syria entered a new political era after 54 years of the al-Assad family rule. The liberation battle that started from the North ended with power placed in the hands of Hay’at Tahrir al Sham (HTS), a former al-Qaeda-linked militant group. When Assad fled, it was difficult to describe the feelings of joy, as Joumana Seif, Syrian feminist lawyer and legal advisor at ECCHR, said. She added: “I cried a lot in that moment, even though my tears have often become scarce. What happened was truly like a dream, because it was perhaps better than the best scenario we could have wished for or imagined.” In the two years before, there had been a push to normalize relations with Assad, ignoring his crimes and readmitting him into the international community, a trend observed even within certain democratic nations. While the end of the al-Assad era sparked widespread optimism, early formal statements from the new rulers raised concerns, particularly regarding women’s rights.
Beyond Assad: Early Statements
Between December 2024 and January 2025, two key statements highlighted the discourse from new rulers of Syria on women’s rights. First, Obaida Arnaout, spokesperson for the Political Administration of the Military Operations Department, stated that women’s "biological and psychological nature" made them incompatible with certain roles, such as within the Ministry of Defense. Subsequently, Aisha al-Dibs, the head of the Women's Affairs Office, declared her intention to create a model for Syrian women based on Islamic Sharia, rejecting "imported" frameworks and external support as ideologically incompatible. She said: “I will not allow space for those who differ with me ideologically. We have previously suffered from training programs by foreign organizations that harmed our children and women.”
Given HTS’s leadership, along with allied extremist factions, there was immediate apprehension about potential restrictions on women’s freedoms, reminiscent of Idlib’s situation.
From Damascus, Salma Sayyad, civic activist and Director of the Nissan Cultural Forum, expressed concern regarding the initial joy surrounding the end of tyranny. She noted that “given HTS’s leadership, along with allied extremist factions, there was immediate apprehension about potential restrictions on women’s freedoms, reminiscent of Idlib’s situation.” Obaida and Aisha’s early statements compounded this fear.
Joumana wrote about HTS in the annex to the International Protocol on the Documentation and Investigation of Sexual Violence in Conflict. She highlighted that the HTS's earlier judicial systems, fundamentally based on Islamic Sharia, demonstrated a clear absence of legal training, shaping rulings reflective of their hardline history. “Yet, since their rise in Damascus, statements from leader Ahmad al-Sharaa (also known by his nom de guerre Abu Mohammad al-Julani) and Foreign Minister Mohammed Ibrahim al-Shaibani suggest a potential departure from their prior governance model in Idlib, hinting at a revised vision for Syria.” Joumana agreed that speeches by Aisha al-Dibs and Obaida Arnaout showed a concerning stance on women’s role in the new Syria. Joumana noted that public backlash, which led to officials’ removal after controversial statements, was a positive sign that indicated civil society’s potential power.
Many Kurds rejoiced in the prospect of salvation and liberation following the collapse of the al-Assad regime, while others had reservations because HTS, an organization with ties to Turkey, assumed control. The optimists looked forward to building a new, free, democratic Syria; 'a Syria for all Syrians', after years of oppression, injustice, and marginalization. However, the joy quickly faded as the features of a new, unilateral, and polarized regime became clear. The aforementioned statements, the call for a National Dialogue Conference where only Syrians who were invited contributed ideas for a new government and the country's future, the Syrian Constitutional Declaration, and the formation of the Syrian government have created a rapid sequence of developments, making reaction difficult to anticipate. Kurdish and other groups were excluded from the process and given access to the National Dialogue Conference only on individual basis. Narin Metini, a politician and member of the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), explained that “al-Dibs’s statements reflect the government’s approach, which restricts individual freedoms and contradicts the principles of democracy and pluralism, which are the foundations of any successful transitional process.”
In January, the new rulers hastily convened a conference to declare the revolution’s victory and appointed Ahmad al-Sharaa as president of the transitional phase. The conference was attended by a select group of predominantly Sunni Arab, military, and Islamist men and announced its decisions and priorities via Telegram. The image of Ahmad al-Sharaa, installed as president of the transitional phase in military uniform, reinforced the widespread sentiment: "who liberated, is ruling." The absence of women was largely unchallenged, while the administration’s rapid transition remained a key focus.
Towards transition: dialog, constitutional declaration, government
Syria’s long-awaited National Dialogue Conference wrapped up on 24-25 February in Damascus, just two days after it was announced. Around 600 delegates from across the country gathered at the Presidential Palace to discuss six key topics: transitional justice, a new constitution, personal and public freedoms, civil society, and the economy. However, the National Dialogue Conference faced criticism for its rushed pace and the condensing of a large agenda into a few days. While the broad outcomes were deemed acceptable, their lack of specific detail raised concerns about their practical implementation. Joumana criticized the rushed and opaque process surrounding the initial National Dialogue Conference, highlighting its brief duration and the exclusion of civil society. Despite initial hopes for a prolonged, inclusive process, the dialog’s final statement lacked depth and specificity. Narin criticized the new Syrian government as unrepresentative, citing its unilateral formation that did not involve Kurdish and other groups.
The appointment of only one woman to the cabinet [...] and the controversial selection of a Sharia scholar as Justice Minister, raised significant concerns about inclusivity and judicial integrity.
When it comes to the new government formation, Joumana expressed cautious optimism, citing the inclusion of individuals outside HTS’s inner circle and those with international experience. Yet, the appointment of only one woman to the cabinet, Hind Kabawat as Minister of Social Affairs and Labor, and the controversial selection of a Sharia scholar as Justice Minister, raised significant concerns about inclusivity and judicial integrity. Although HTS retained pivotal ministries, including foreign affairs, defense, justice and the interior, around half of the new ministers are not affiliated with the group, offering a mix of community representation and professional qualifications. One could interpret this representation as tokenism; an expected step given HTS’s efforts to gain international acceptance.
The subsequent formation of a constitutional committee further fueled concerns, with Joumana questioning the members’ qualifications and representativeness. From Joumana’s perspective, the constitution declaration lacks a clear roadmap for democratic transition and safeguards for fundamental rights remain a point of contention. Furthermore, the Constitutional Declaration risks endangering rights. “Crafting a constitution requires specialists,” she stated, noting the absence of constitutional law experts. Joumana emphasized the declaration's vague clauses, which could be used to restrict freedoms under the guise of "public order and morality." She advocated for amendments to ensure genuine political participation, particularly for women, and stressed the importance of safeguarding political freedoms for a healthy societal restoration.
Salma expressed concern regarding the trajectory of women’s rights, despite some initial positive signs. “Preliminary regional dialogs leading to the National Dialogue Conference showed promising levels of women representation.” Salma stated that “we, as women, are awaiting the formation of the broader government to assess women representation and its inclusivity of diverse Syrian groups and technocrats.” While some Syrians adopt a 'wait and see' approach, clinging to the hope of reform and recovery, Joumana urged for concrete actions to solidify democratic principles. “Our journey towards these values still requires significant work,” she concluded, emphasizing the need for ongoing dialog and clear mechanisms for accountability.
Coastal massacres: a threat to peace
While Syria’s transitional phase faces numerous challenges, the early March massacres on the coast, targeting not solely but predominantly the Alawite sect, were a particularly alarming threat to civil peace. Narin explained the current situation by saying that Syrians are entering a new phase of uncertainty and fear of the unknown, especially after the bloody events witnessed on the Syrian coast. Thousands of civilians, including women, children, and the elderly, were killed by hordes of armed factions under the pretext of pursuing remnants of the regime, whose attack on security forces had set off the escalation of violence. Villages were burned, private property was looted, and thousands of families were displaced to the forests and mountains to escape the brutality of retaliatory operations. Narin added that the massacres on the Syrian coast are a “direct result of the policies of the new administration that has taken power in Damascus.”
Building on Narin’s description of the coastal violence, Salma highlighted the devastating impact on women within the targeted religious sect. “Collective punishment ... is unacceptable,” she stated, emphasizing that women disproportionately suffer the consequences. She detailed reports of undocumented crimes and violations, fueled by “profound existential fear,” including forced restrictions on movement and dress, notably the hijab, as women sought to conceal their Alawite identity. Salma stressed that the full scope of these atrocities remains under investigation.
Since the formation of the Syrian Coast Fact-Finding Committee, following a presidential decree on 9 March, the committee has conducted extensive fieldwork, visiting nine sites in Latakia province that witnessed some of the most brutal incidents. Hundreds of civilians were reportedly killed in the area on 6-8 March in violent clashes between government forces and armed groups loyal to the ousted regime. The violence included summary executions and attacks on entire families, prompting national and international outrage according to the Syrian Observer.
A transparent transitional justice process, including truth and reconciliation committees and fair compensation for victims, is imperative.
Joumana condemned the coastal crimes, demanding immediate and decisive action and stated that perpetrators must face public trials, with fair and deterrent punishments. “Hate speech and sectarianism must be criminalized. It is deeply troubling that the nascent Syria begins with new massacres, echoing the atrocities committed by Assad over the past 14 years. A transparent transitional justice process, including truth and reconciliation committees and fair compensation for victims, is imperative. This process offers hope for justice and counters the impulse for revenge, which thrives where national justice systems fail,” she concluded.
The coastal massacres occurred amidst the signing of a key agreement with the Kurdish autonomous administration, leading some to question whether the timing served to deflect attention from the violence by highlighting the positive development of a pact with the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), represented by the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC). Regarding the agreement with SDC, Salma expressed optimism, citing its potential to unify Syria and extend the progressive treatment of women in the northeast across the country. “The significant gains women have made in northeastern Syria offer a model for national application,” she stated. Narin’s response to the question about the agreement with SDC was minimal, referring to it as an ambiguous security agreement.
Navigating the current chaos
Syria’s future is uncertain. Since December 8, 2024, we have seen a whirlwind of change: a rushed government transition, a constitution that is problematic and raises more questions than answers, and horrific violence targeting Alawite women and men on the coast. In addition, relentless attacks on the southern cities, particularly Dara city from Israel, have taken place. This chaos makes one thing clear: Syria’s path forward cannot be decided by a select few. It demands the voices of everyone, especially women. We need a transition that centers justice and equality, not just power, and that actively includes women in every step of the process. Anything less is a betrayal of the very people who deserve a peaceful future.