EU/North America

The conference, which took place on the October 4th 2012 was organized by Védegylet (Protect the Future), the One Million for the Freedom of the Hungarian Press Movement (Milla) and the Heinrich Böll Foundation. It had a double objective: to discuss problems of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe and to present a new project  on democratic renewal to the Hungarian public. 

The current crisis is not a crisis of confidence, nor is it purely financial in character. The current crisis is, above all, a device for domination, spoliation, and precarisation. What we witness today is the depredation and expropriation of common goods, of wealth, and of rights. What we need is a common social, fiscal, and budgetary policy.

Will the euro crisis end up in a historic tragedy? Europe’s destiny today, as so often throughout history, lies with Germany. In particular the German Left has a historic responsibility to take an active role in saving the eurozone.

A chain of rapid and unprecedented changes in Hungary’s Higher Education Act have been adopted and implemented recently by the government of Viktor Orbán. The changes share the intention of centralising power and establishing supreme control over all levels of education.

The EU is facing a crisis. But this crisis is not only about a currency. When Europe’s citizens are only spectators while governments are taking decisions, democracy is in danger. To reduce this lack of democracy we do need a better election system, effective participation instruments for EU citizens and European referenda. 

Europe finds itself in a crisis. For everyone involved it is clear that a solution to the crisis requires the reduction of economic imbalances. However, it is impossible for the EU to legitimate itself only by its economic value these days. The EU’s economic crisis must be politicized and the EU citizens have to be encouraged to take an active part in a solution.  

Germany, as seen from the perspective of its neighbour Poland, is primarily the engine of the European integration. But at the same time, the German debate on European politics is viewed by the Poles both with some mistrust and the concern that the upcoming euroscepticism and populism signifies the end of Europe’s future. 

As market reforms and budget consolidation meet increasing political constraints, it is perhaps not surprising that the call for “more Europe” has become louder. While such eagerness for the European project should be welcomed, in fact it is not genuine but rather motivated by the short-term interests of political classes. 

Today, we have to remember that hundreds of thousands of Greek workers helped power the post-war German industrial renaissance. Today, millions of Germans are powering Greece’s only “heavy industry” – tourism. In view of the present crisis we will have to understand that the road ahead is a long one – but to jump off a cliff is not a viable shortcut.

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has projected fifteen to twenty years of governance in a “central political space”, rather than the customary shifts of power between left and right. In the elections 2010, Fidesz had the support of roughly half of all voters, and during its first half-year the new government enjoyed strong public approval. But since then the political landscape has changed dramatically.